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 Editions Sources du Nil  : Livres sur le Rwanda, Burundi, RDCongo

Uganda won't be part of Tutsi Empire

8 Septembre 2012 , Rédigé par Editions Sources du Nil Publié dans #Histoire - politique

Eric Kashambuzi

Uganda at Heart Forum (UAH)


As we finalize preparations to observe fifty years of Uganda independence on October 9, 2012, we need at the same time to think about the next 50 years and beyond. Preparations for Uganda’s independence were done in a hurry and left important issues unresolved like the head of state, lost counties and what to do with Amin that have contributed to some of the problems the nation is experiencing. We were handed a compromise constitution that contributed to the 1966/67 crisis. The lesson learned is that we need to prepare better for the next 50 years.

Museveni and his inner core of advisers have been working for a long time on a grand project to create a Tutsi Empire initially in Middle Africa. Museveni didn’t go for military training while still a student at Dar in the 1960s in anticipation of a military coup in 1971 or rigged elections in 1980. Museveni didn’t get a job in the office of the president shortly before the 1971 coup in the department of refugees in Uganda by accident. Museveni was preparing to restore Mpororo kingdom which disintegrated around 1750 from internal decay and expand it into a Tutsi Empire. Museveni involvement in Great Lakes geopolitics wasn’t to bring about stability but to create favorable conditions for the establishment of Tutsi Empire by military means. To pre-empt countervailing forces, Museveni assured leaders in Burundi, Rwanda and Zaire that he had no intention of exporting his revolution to their countries. Accordingly, they didn’t strengthen their defense forces.     

As part of preparation for Tutsi Empire, Museveni hired some of the best historians as presidential advisers to locate Tutsis in all parts of Uganda (Tutsi adopt local names and local languages but remain Tutsi in all other aspects) who have been hired in key positions in all sectors as the drivers of the Tutsi Empire project, moving cautiously and incrementally. While breaking up Uganda into small and unviable districts projected to reach 150 disguised as decentralization to empower local communities, Museveni preached against balkanization of East Africa and called for larger units through integration to facilitate specialization and trade. In reality these steps have been taken to promote the Tutsi Empire project. Uganda has been deliberately divided into weak districts to reduce collective opposition against the Tutsi Empire dream.  

Uganda’s involvement in Great Lakes politics in Burundi, Rwanda and DRC is part of the project. If Angola, Chad, Namibia and Zimbabwe had not supported Kabila in the 1998/99 Rwanda and Uganda military invasion of DRC, Museveni would have realized his empire dream. Robert Mugabe stated that his country entered the war to prevent creation of a Tutsi Empire in Middle Africa (E. B. Evans et al., The Other World 2003). Prior to the invasion of DRC in 1998, Museveni finally announced to the nation and the world in April 1997 (possibly prematurely) that his mission was to see that independent states in the Horn of Africa and Great Lakes region become federal states under one nation (EIR Special Report 1997).  

When capturing DRC by military means failed (he and Kagame haven’t given up), Museveni embarked on Plan B. He quickly introduced and promoted fast tracking the East African political federation ahead of East African economic integration. He subsequently announced that his priority number one would be East African political federation. He has strengthened the ministry of East African affairs by appointing a minister of state. A high powered Uganda delegation held a meeting in Rwanda recently with President Kagame and agreed that national borders in East Africa should be abolished reasoning that it was a colonial arrangement that independent governments can get rid of. Fearing that the federation may not be realized before 2016, Museveni has announced he is running for another term in 2016 so he continues to push for the federation and becomes the first president on account of seniority as head of state and then turns the federation into a Tutsi Empire. Fearing negative comments Museveni has not reported to parliament developments in the East African federation in the last two State of the Nation addresses. It is believed he has decided to work quietly and pre-empt criticism.

East African political federation is a very serious matter. Uganda leaders present and in future particularly those in the opposition must pronounce themselves on this and other issues of national significance. Ugandans who keep silent on critical issues to earn popularity as neutral or compromise leaders should have no place in running the affairs of Uganda. Leaders must take positions on important issues without fear or favor. Leaders should not utter what people want to hear but tell the truth about what is possible. Museveni wrote in his ten point program what Ugandans wanted to hear but abandoned it within 12 months upon becoming president and embraced the unpopular structural adjustment for which he criticized Obote II government. He did that for personal, not national, interests.

Ipso facto, leaders should put national ahead of personal interests. When you stand up and tell the truth on tough issues like Tutsi Empire supporters of it will criticize you as a controversial figure and declare you unfit to lead (often it is the topic under discussion that is controversial, not the person who gathers courage to present it). Be that as it may. By being honest including providing your resume and personal history, you give the population a chance to study you and take appropriate decisions on your leadership quality. No individual is 100 percent popular. What is clear is that neutral or compromise leaders especially those who jump onto the political stage virtually from nowhere are the worst to have. They have no control over the people who put them in power and can’t be effective. We witnessed them during the 1979-80 transition in Uganda. On balance, a so-called controversial leader is better than a neutral or compromise one.

Uganda is a sovereign state and will remain so. However, that doesn’t mean it should exist in isolation. It must therefore participate in regional, continental and global arrangements without losing its sovereignty as a state with a head of state, government and a flag. Uganda must manage its economic, foreign and defense affairs. External arrangements must be entered into to strengthen – not weaken – national sovereignty. That is why Uganda can’t become part of Tutsi Empire because it will lose its sovereignty. East African economic integration should also bring net benefits to Uganda and some areas such as land should be non-negotiable. And immigration should be handled with utmost care to avoid unnecessary future conflicts.

This should be an integral part of the message and program as we embark on the next fifty years of Uganda independence. Leaders must be willing and ready to safeguard Uganda interests as regionalization and globalization intensify. Uganda needs a well trained, confident and healthy population to promote and defend its sovereignty. We trust that our development partners, friends and well wishers will extend a helping hand in this regard.         

Eric Kashambuzi

Secretary General & Chief Administrator, UDU

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